Following the Supreme Court’s recent approval for the sub-categorization of Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), a detailed look at the backgrounds of the 84 SC MPs in the Lok Sabha reveals that those from politically and economically dominant Dalit sub-groups have secured more representation.

The states with the highest number of Dalit MPs—Uttar Pradesh (17), West Bengal (10), Tamil Nadu (7), and Bihar (6)—also have the largest number of reserved seats for SCs. Karnataka and Maharashtra follow with five Dalit MPs each, while Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, and Rajasthan each elected four SC MPs.

Analysis by The Indian Express highlights that the relative advancement of SC groups and their population size were key factors in political parties’ decisions to nominate candidates. Unlike government job reservations and educational opportunities, which focus on upward mobility within Dalit communities, Lok Sabha representation often reflects the size and influence of these communities. This disparity is one reason the Supreme Court allowed for sub-categorization.

In Uttar Pradesh, out of 17 reserved SC seats, seven were won by Pasi candidates and five by Jatavs. Jatavs, who make up 56% of the SC population in the state, are a traditional vote bank for the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). Despite a slight shift of Jatav votes to the SP-Congress alliance, they remain a crucial base for Mayawati’s party. Other SC MPs from Uttar Pradesh represent communities like Dhangar, Kharwar, Gond, and Valmiki, which have less political and economic clout compared to the Jatavs.

West Bengal saw the Trinamool Congress (TMC) win six of the ten SC-reserved seats, with the BJP securing the remaining seats. Four of these MPs are from the Namasudra community, a dominant SC group in the state. The remaining MPs include those from the Rajbanshi and Poundra communities, which are influential in their constituencies, alongside MPs from the comparatively more backward Sunri, Mal, and Bagdi communities.

In Bihar, the six Dalit MPs include two from the relatively affluent Dusadh and Rabidas communities and one each from the Musahar and Pasi communities. Musahars face significant socio-economic challenges, while Pasis are less prominent in Bihar compared to other Dalit sub-groups.

Southern states also show a trend where dominant Dalit groups hold the majority of reserved seats. In Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, Malas dominate, while in Tamil Nadu, Paraiyars and Pallars hold most of the SC-reserved seats. In Karnataka, the SC Right (Holeyas) and the “touchable” Dalits are prominent, while in Kerala, Pulayas are significant in Congress’s SC nominations.

In Tamil Nadu, Paraiyars occupy five of the seven SC-reserved seats, with the remaining two held by Pallars. Madigas, a less dominant community in the south, hold only four seats across Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, and Telangana. This distribution reflects the historical political influence of these communities.

Despite these patterns, some dominant SC communities have opposed the Supreme Court’s sub-categorization decision. For example, the Malas in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, the Holeyas in Karnataka, and the Paraiyars and Pulayas in Tamil Nadu and Kerala have expressed resistance.

In Maharashtra, where the INDIA bloc won all five SC-reserved seats, two MPs are from the Mahar community, with one each from the Mala Jangam, Chambhar, and leather-working communities. Punjab’s four Dalit MPs are predominantly from the Ravidasia community, with one from the Ramdasia Sikh community. In Rajasthan, the trend continues with three Jatavs and one Meghwal, alongside a lone MP from the Dhanuk community, which is less influential.

Madhya Pradesh diverges slightly from this trend. Here, out of four SC-reserved seats, two MPs are from the less dominant Khatik community, with one each from the more dominant Jatav and Balai communities.

In states with only one SC-reserved seat, such as Assam, Chhattisgarh, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Delhi, and Uttarakhand, the MPs come from dominant SC communities in their regions, like Dhupi, Chamar, Rehgarh, and Shilpkar.

This distribution of SC representation in the Lok Sabha underscores the influence of dominant Dalit sub-groups and the implications of sub-categorization in political representation.